Vincent McKenna, Sex Crime within Sinn Fein/PIRA
The content of this article has been known to the authorities for decades, and the reasons why some of the information was not acted upon is explained.
The events set out here are about my own provable personal experience and knowledge of sex crime within Sinn Fein/PIRA, full political disclosure is for another day, although most of it has already been published.
About this Article
You are warned that this is probably the most disturbing article you will ever read; this article will take you to places you will never want to go in your own life. At a time, depending on your life experiences, you think you have seen it all and it can’t get any worse, this article will show why Legacy, in its true form, will never be delivered.
This article is dedicated to the many thousands of victims of Sinn Fein/PIRA criminality, who remain silent due to the threat of further injury or death. My heart remains broken for the victims and families of victims whose injuries and murders have been designated by Evil people as “Internal House-keeping”. Those who have made such designation and their cheer-leaders will burn in the furnaces of hell.
Vincent McKenna Credibility
In 1993 powerful people including The British Prime Minister, John Major, The Secretary of State for NI, Patrick Mayhew and the leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA, called Vincent McKenna a Liar, when Vincent McKenna disclosed secret talks between The PIRA and MI6. Now we know that Vincent McKenna was telling truth. However, Vincent McKenna had produced this document at the time to prove his case, Sinn Fein/PIRA no longer deny this document, but they do deny its provenience.
Communication from MI6 Officer Oatley to MI6 Agent Martin McGuinness 1993
In 1999 Vincent McKenna was again called a Liar by very powerful people when he disclosed that there were Comfort Letters available to On-The-Run Sinn Fein/PIRA Murderers and Rapists. We now know that Vincent McKenna was telling the truth, although the evidence was produced at the time and denied.
Letter to Vincent McKenna from Secretary of State 2000 denying OTR letters.
In 2000 Vincent McKenna was convicted of sexual assault, Vincent McKenna has consistently maintained his innocence in these matters and these matters remain before the Courts. Vincent McKenna could have walked away from the charges and this was offered by Sinn Fein/PIRA, however, Vincent McKenna refused the offer as he would prefer to die on his feet than live on his knees.
Vincent McKenna's accuser with serial killer and child abuser Martin McGuinness.
In 1993 powerful people including The British Prime Minister, John Major, The Secretary of State for NI, Patrick Mayhew and the leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA, called Vincent McKenna a Liar, when Vincent McKenna disclosed secret talks between The PIRA and MI6. Now we know that Vincent McKenna was telling truth. However, Vincent McKenna had produced this document at the time to prove his case, Sinn Fein/PIRA no longer deny this document, but they do deny its provenience.
Communication from MI6 Officer Oatley to MI6 Agent Martin McGuinness 1993
In 1999 Vincent McKenna was again called a Liar by very powerful people when he disclosed that there were Comfort Letters available to On-The-Run Sinn Fein/PIRA Murderers and Rapists. We now know that Vincent McKenna was telling the truth, although the evidence was produced at the time and denied.
Letter to Vincent McKenna from Secretary of State 2000 denying OTR letters.
In 2000 Vincent McKenna was convicted of sexual assault, Vincent McKenna has consistently maintained his innocence in these matters and these matters remain before the Courts. Vincent McKenna could have walked away from the charges and this was offered by Sinn Fein/PIRA, however, Vincent McKenna refused the offer as he would prefer to die on his feet than live on his knees.
Vincent McKenna's accuser with serial killer and child abuser Martin McGuinness.
Introduction
Those who have read my unrelenting scribbles over the past decades, will know that I am passionate about the subject matter of those scribbles. In January 2020, I meet a well-respected commentator, who wanted an inside view on how Sinn Fein/PIRA is controlled. The control of Sinn Fein/PIRA has remained static for decades, they are controlled by The PIRA Army Council with an over-arching strategy.
During this meeting in January 2020, I produced one of my republican diaries from the 1980s to substantiate a point I was making. I am always certain of my encyclopaedic knowledge of Sinn Fein/PIRA, however, people often look at me inquisitively, as if to suggest that it is impossible to remember such details from decades ago.
While many might think that having a photographic memory for the written and spoken word is a gift, and it is, it’s also a nightmare. Photographic memory leaves one with nowhere to hide from the good, the bad and the ugly. Yes, you can store things in the deepest crevasses of your mind, but in a moment in time, they jump out when you least expect them.
In January 2020, as I proved my point by reference to my diary, I fell apart at the seams, when the diary reminded me of the darkest chapter in my personal life. I am normally steadfast and resolute, tough and unmovable, particularly when talking about Sinn Fein/PIRA, however, on this occasion, the child, so abused had revealed himself for the first time in decades. This was a very difficult moment for the person who had met with me for a quick coffee and chat, for me, eventually, it has been a liberation, set free at last.
Motivation for this Article
This article is not written so that I may comfort myself in the sympathy of others, it is written so that ordinary decent people might wake up to the reality of Sinn Fein/PIRA criminality. Legacy, as far as I am concerned is another political lie, another distraction in a long line of lies and distractions. The majority of those people who engaged in the majority of murders on these islands are dead, and any still living will be dead before any Legacy format is established. Even if the murderers were alive, it is unlikely that the truth can ever be told due to the role of MI6 and so forth.
So Legacy is a lie, the most that victims can hope for is an old dusty RUC file with wide black lines throughout blocking names for ‘security’ reasons. The best that ordinary decent people can do is to hold the leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA to account for their actions now and going forward. They cannot be allowed to murder young lads such a Paul Quinn and then run like rats back across the border. They cannot be allowed to rape women and children and then silence those victims with the threat of death. They cannot be allowed to secretly move Sinn Fein/PIRA sex criminals into unsuspecting communities in the Republic and vis a vis.
Sinn Fein/PIRA and Sex Crime
In 2020, Sinn Fein/PIRA are still moving Sinn Fein/PIRA sex criminals into The Republic from Northern Ireland, without notifying An Garda Siochana, Tusla or the unsuspecting communities into which the self-confessed sex criminals are relocated. This practice also works from The Republic into Northern Ireland.
This practice is going to intensify as moderate political parties in the north gain political momentum in various elections. Sinn Fein/PIRA do not want any scandal on their door-step that could cost them a per-centage of their vote to The SDLP or Alliance Party.
While Sinn Fein/PIRA mouth-pieces have offered lip-service to child protection protocols, it is simply window-dressing as they continue to preside over the most sophisticated paedophile network on the Island of Ireland.
I am going to explain how Sinn Fein/PIRA have for decades protected sex criminals within their ranks while silencing the victims. In 1998 I press released a list of 100 Sinn Fein/PIRA sex criminals that I knew were being protected by the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership, I was called a liar and much worse, in 2020 we know who the liars really are.
Following my disclosure in 1998, Sinn Fein/PIRA carried out their own Internal-Audit to establish how expansive the pandemic of sexual crime was within the Sinn Fein/PIRA organisation. The conclusions of that Internal Audit in 1998 was that at least 5,000 women and children had been raped by card-carrying members of Sinn Fein/PIRA. 22 years later and the Sinn Fein/PIRA sex criminals continue to be Ghosted into communities in The Irish Republic and protected by the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership.
Sex Crime My Story
In 1980 I was 16 years old and on my school holidays, I had secured a job in a factory in Monaghan Town. I had chosen Monaghan Town as I was politically motivated and I wanted to join Sinn Fein/PIRA. While I was politically motivated, and I knew exactly what I wanted to do, on a personal level, I was a child that knew little of the ways of the world.
I began working in Monaghan Poultry Products as a general labourer and I was paid what was officially known as child’s wages at that time. I worked hard in the factory and this meant that I got on well with everyone as I was well able to pull my weight. I was the only child working in the factory, the youngest of the other lads working alongside me would have been 18 years-old and upwards, all good lads and we got on well.
As there was no public transport from my hometown of Aughnacloy on the border, I secured a bedsit for 7 punts (pounds) per-week in Monaghan Town so that I could be on time for work each day. By the end of my first week in Monaghan I had joined Na Fianna Eireann (Junior PIRA), my quick entry to the Fianna was due to the fact that some older lads in the factory were already in The Fianna. The Fianna in Monaghan Town was harmless, more like the boy scouts, no weapons or anything, just marching on Easter Sunday and so forth.
The older lads invited me to The Hillgrove Hotel as there was a disco there on a Friday and Saturday Night. On my first social outing a girl called Mary asked me to walk her home, the lads thought this was great crack as it was my first encounter with a girl. I walked Mary home, she sat on one seat and I sat on another, we listened to The Undertones record and then I said I better go. As I walked out the door, she kissed me on the cheek, I got embarrassed and walked on.
The bedsit was not a great environment to go back to in the evening after work, the people who owned the big house were good people, but there was no TV in the bedsit so it was a bit lonely. I got into a habit of going into one of the local pubs, having a bottle of coke and a packet of Tayto crisps and watching the big colour TV. It was like going to the cinema and it was better than being in the bedsit. Back then a big TV was probably 20inchs.
One night while I was in The Clara Inn (later The Chieftain) in Monaghan Town, I was having my crisps and coke and watching TV in the bar when I was approached by a big man. This man introduced himself as Michael Lynagh and he explained that he was Jim Lynagh’s brother. Michael Lynagh chatted to me for a while and then invited me back to a house. As Michael Lynagh was Jim Lynagh’s brother I went back to the house with him. The house was not far from The Clara Inn and belonged to a couple who had a serious drink problem.
Michael Lynagh poured two glasses of whiskey for he and I, it was horrible stuff, but he was insistent and I suppose I thought it was manly to be drinking whiskey. When Michael believed I was drunk enough he forced me face down on the coach and drove a knife through the back of my left hand and pinned me to the wooded arm of the couch and he raped me, I fought like mad but he was a brute, an animal. I was very small for my age due to childhood illnesses.
Michael Lynagh warned me not to tell anyone, he reminded me who he was and so forth. I left and went back to my bedsit, I understood the violence, I cannot say that I understood everything that had happened. The next day I went to work as normal and I made an excuse and went and got my hand stitched. I decided to speak with a member of The PIRA, I told him what had happened. A meeting was arranged and I was taken to meet other PIRA members, the most senior of which was J.B. O’Hagan.
J.B.O’Hagan told me how important Jim Lynagh was to The Republican Movement, he told me that the Gardai would use the attack on me to damage Sinn Fein/PIRA, and he remined me what had happened to 17 year-old Columba McVeigh 5 years earlier in Monaghan. J.B. O’Hagan finally told me that Michael Lynagh would be moved to Dublin.
Following the meeting with Sinn Fein/PIRA I simply got on with life, back then there was no counselling services, help-lines and so forth. In the weeks following my meeting with Sinn Fein/PIRA I went to the Hillgrove Hotel with the lads and tried to keep going. I was approached at The Hillgrove Hotel by Fiona McCleary, who was a friend of the girl called Mary that I had walked home a couple of weeks earlier. Fiona said that Mary had told her I was very innocent, and we had a laugh about that, as I still had no clue what walking somebody home meant.
Fiona and I got on well together, although even then she was drinking heavily and had been hospitalised on a couple of occasions when she got too drunk. Fiona and Mary went off to The Isle of Man for a holiday as they would have been older than me. I thought that was probably the end of my friendship with Fiona, but then she sent me post-cards from The Isle of Man and kept the relationship going.
Vincent McKenna petitions for Divorce
I was working hard in the factory, I would often work late so that I did not have to spend long in the bedsit, just to sleep. I stayed out of the pub where I had meet Michael Lynagh until I was sure he was gone away.
When Fiona McCleary returned from The Isle of Man we would meet at McKenna’s Pub on Dublin Street and then we would go to The Hillgrove Hotel or The Four Seasons Hotel for The Disco or Country and Western Band.
One day Fiona asked me to babysit with her, it was for the Bank Manager of the Bank at the bottom of the Hospital Hill back then. I agreed, it was August 1980, as it had just been Fiona’s birthday, she was 18 years old. I worked that day and then walked up to Fiona’s family home at 13 Glenview Heights. Fiona’s Father Seamus drove us to the Bank Manager’s house out The Scotstown Road.
I had worked all day and I had nothing to eat since lunch-time, I was really hungry. When the Bank Manager and his wife left the house, I asked Fiona if there was anything to eat. Fiona went to the kitchen and brought back a pint glass of orange juice and said there was absolutely nothing to eat. I thought Fiona was joking and I went to the kitchen, there was no food, not even bread.
I sat on the couch with Fiona to watch the colour TV and drink my juice. I was very tired and I fell asleep or passed out. When I woke up, I was on the floor, and Fiona was on top of my engaging in sexual activity. I pushed Fiona off me and I was in a rage, asking her what she was doing. She then told me that she had half-filled the glass of orange juice with Vodka, I had never tasted Vodka before so I did not know the difference.
Fiona began to regret what she had done to me and began to explain that she had been raped by Michael Lynagh when she was a child. I was just stunned; I simply did not know what to say. I did not tell Fiona what Michael Lynagh had done to me; I was too ashamed to say anything.
Fiona and I continued going out together, there was a good crowd of us that hung about together around The Fianna and we would meet in various pubs and then go to The Disco.
In September/October 1980 Fiona told me she was pregnant and she wanted to go to Dublin to get engaged. I had just got my emergency tax back and so I had some money, looking back I suppose Fiona knew that. We went to Dublin and got engaged. When we returned from Dublin the night we got engaged we were in McKenna’s Pub in Dublin Street with the usual crowd.
As we were socialising and having the usual laughs and crack, one of the older lads made a nasty comment about Fiona being pregnant, I challenged this individual outside and I gave him a good beating in a fist fight. As I was walking away having won my fight, two of the older lads got stuck into me, I don’t know why, I suppose I was the outsider and I had just beaten one of the locals. I was beaten and kicked onto the street and I fell in front of a car, my head hit of the bumper of the moving car and I was unconscious for a few minutes.
Back then bumpers on cars were made of chrome steel and not plastic like today. Initially it seemed that I was ok and we walked out to The Four Seasons Hotel for the Dance. While I was in the Dance Hall I collapsed and was taken to hospital, I had a fractured skull from my head hitting of the car. When I woke up the next morning the man in the bed opposite me was Seamus McAleer a GAA County footballer who had been hurt in a hunting accident. He told me there was quite a fuss when I was brought in, medical staff were calling for Gardai and so forth.
The lads who had attacked me arrived at the hospital a couple of days after I was admitted and apologised for the attack, blaming drink. They asked me not to make a statement to Gardai, I told them I had no intention of making a statement and they were happy with that.
I was released from hospital after four-days and returned to work. Fiona then admitted to me that she was not pregnant at all, I suppose I just drifted along, I don’t know, I was more interested in politics, that’s what kept me going.
I was working in the factory, living in the bedsit, working with Sinn Fein/PIRA and going out with Fiona, I was busy. I had worked for the first Hunger Strike at the end of 1980 on which my cousin Sean had almost died before Brendan ‘Bik’ McFarland had called the Hunger Strike off.
In early 1981 it was clear that there was going to be a second Hunger strike and there was a great deal of campaigning to do. In March 1981 Fiona told me she was pregnant, this time she actually was pregnant. I went with Fiona to tell her Mother and Father, Seamus and Mary that we were getting married. Seamus was a big man, Ulster Heavy Weight boxing champion 1968, only 12 years earlier. Seamus was at the back of the house and pulling nails out of an old door frame with a claw hammer, you don’t forget those moments.
Seamus was grand, he and I had got on well together and he simply said, “Have you told her Mother yet?”, we both heard the shouting coming from the kitchen, he looked at me and said, “You did”. Fiona’s Mother, Mary McCleary was very angry because her and Seamus would be celebrating their 25th wedding anniversary in 1981 and there would be no money for a wedding.
I was satisfied that I was doing the right thing, and so we pushed on with plans for the wedding. Both Fiona and I were placed under extreme pressure by Mary McCleary to terminate the life of our unborn child. I had no clue what all of this meant but I was determined that the baby would be born and not harmed.
On the 12th June 1981, Fiona and I got married, the wedding was in St Macartan’s Cathedral in Monaghan and the reception in The Westenra Hotel. It was election day in Cavan/Monaghan for Hunger Striker, Kieran Doherty the day before we got married and Fiona had to ask Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin to find me to remind me that I was getting married. I was simply busy working for the election and had forgotten what day of the week it was.
When Fiona and I got married we initially lived with Fiona’s brother Tom McCleary at Highfield Close. Tom McCleary had returned from Algeria and was married to a native Algerian who could not speak English. Tom and his wife were both unemployed at this time and Tom was drinking heavily, Canadian Club whiskey. Fiona was pregnant and so I was the only one working in the house we were sharing.
One evening I returned from work earlier than expected, I heard someone shouting in the house as I walked to the front door, I thought Fiona had hurt herself or something. I got into the house and ran up the stairs, Tom McCleary was in a drunken rage and was beating his wife on the bathroom floor. Tom had a knife in his right hand, I wrestled with Tom and took the knife from him. I helped Tom’s wife to her bedroom, I remember her eye really swollen and the bruise was multi-colour although her skin was black.
I got Tom down to the sitting room and he calmed down. Fiona was at her Mother’s house that was a short walk away. When I was sure that Tom was not going to engage in further violence, I left the house. I had his knife in my pocket, it was a flick-knife with a 3inch blade, it was a fancy knife with Algeria written on it. I gave the knife to a member of An Garda Siochana as I did not want it and I did not want to give it back to Tom.
Following this violent incident, I decided that it was not safe for Fiona and our unborn child to be in that house and so we rented a small flat in Park Street. Soon after we left the house with Tom and his wife they went back to Algeria, I had been the one paying all the bills.
I was working hard and also engaged in various roles for Sinn Fein/PIRA. In November 1981 our first child Sorcha was born and all was going well. In 1982 Fiona’s sister Ann was pregnant and again her Mother Mary McCleary was insisting that she go to England to terminate the child’s life, I found this outrageous and I begged Ann not to go, but she went and the child was no more.
When Ann McCleary returned from England she told Fiona and I about the abortion, the detail was horrendous and remains vivid in my mind today, terrible thing to put a young woman through. In 1982 abortion was a criminal offence in Ireland and so everything had to be done secretively.
Ann McCleary would call up to our flat each day for her lunch and Fiona and I encouraged this as she was able to engage with our daughter Sorcha and I think this brought her some comfort because of what she had been through.
Fiona and I then got a house in Mullaghmatt Council Housing Estate in Monaghan Town and we were doing ok. Due to Fiona’s Rape at the hands of Michael Lynagh, Fiona would often go into a very dark place in her mind, she had extreme pornography sent to her from America and so forth, it was getting more and more difficult to live with Fiona. I thought things might change in 1982 when Michael Lynagh hung himself in Mountjoy Jail, but it did not.
This picture shows Fiona McCleary (Prosecution Witness) dressed in paedophile paraphernalia after Vincent McKenna was convicted of sexual assault in 2000, this picture was sent to VMK while he was in prison and a cover letter signed by Fiona McCleary.
My rape at the hands of Michael Lynagh had made me very protective of our children and children in general. In 1985 I was approached by a woman who said that a member of Sinn Fein/PIRA had sexually abused her child, I meet the man concerned and he admitted that he had touched the child while drunk, I simply gave him a good beating with my fists. I was then in trouble with Sinn Fein/PIRA for literally taking the law into my hands and not leaving them to deal with the individual concerned.
In 1986, our eldest child Sorcha made a complaint to me about a member of Sinn Fein/PIRA who had stayed in our house, I brought this complaint to Sinn Fein/PIRA. If I had again taken the law into my own hands I would have been dismissed from Sinn Fein/PIRA, and for reasons that I cannot explain at this time, I did not want to get dismissed.
Dublin Clearing House
I had various roles in Sinn Fein/PIRA from setting up and managing the Sinn Fein Office at 21 Dublin Street to working on Internal Security with J.B. O’Hagan and so forth, all of this is for another day.
In 1982 J.B. O’Hagan asked me to go to Dublin and establish if certain members of Sinn Fein/PIRA were misappropriating personnel, weapons, money and so forth. I carried out this task with due diligence and I was able to identify someone who was freelancing.
As part of my work for Sinn Fein/PIRA in Dublin I had to meet with Joe Cahill on a regular basis, and on two of these occasions I was arrested under Section 30 of The Offences Against The State Act, after leaving Joe at Sinn Fein/PIRA HQ, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin. Joe Cahill asked me to meet with certain individuals at a guest house in Dublin and establish their credentials. These individuals where Sinn Fein/PIRA personnel who had been moved from the north by Sinn Fein/PIRA after they had admitted to Sinn Fein/PIRA that they had engaged in sex crimes.
I would take details from the individuals concerned and report back to Joe Cahill, Joe would then determine how best to use the individuals concerned. If the individuals concerned had a specialist skill such as bomb making, they would be moved up to border towns such as Dundalk or Monaghan. If the individuals had no particular skills they would be handed over to Eamon ‘Captain’ Cooke and he would help them get accommodation, work, social welfare and so forth.
It is not unreasonable to say that sex crime within Sinn Fein/PIRA was a pandemic and I have no reason to believe that it is anything different in 2020.
Much is now known about sex crime within Sinn Fein/PIRA, however, for decades Sinn Fein/PIRA denied their Rapists and those Rapists were able to continue with their crimes without the restraint of law.
Sinn Fein Sex Crime Exposed
In 1998, this author press released a list of 100 Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists and pedophiles who had been protected by the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership, to highlight the hypocrisy of Sinn Fein/PIRA as self-proclaimed liberators/defenders of the nationalist/Catholic community. In response to my press release some good journalists (who had not sold out to the 'peace-process' gravy train) began to ask serious questions of the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership. The Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership panicked and ordered an Internal-Audit of Sinn Fein/PIRA around the country to establish how wide-spread the rape of women and children was within the organisation. This Internal-Audit was to estimate the political damage that could be caused to Sinn Fein/PIRA if someone actually investigated the claims. Seamus and Annie concluded their Internal-Audit and reported back directly to Sinn Fein/PIRA HQ in Belfast. The Internal-Audit found that at least 5,000 women and children had been raped by Sinn Fein/PIRA members.
In 2014 Gerry Adams TD would produce a list of 27 Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists that they had Ghosted into The Irish Republic in order to take the political pressure off. This was the 27 origionally included in the initial list of 41 On-The-Runs to recieve 'Comfort Letters' from MI6.
Leading members of Sinn Fein/PIRA who had admitted to Sinn Fein/PIRA that they were sex criminals such as Gerry Adams Snr, Liam Adams, Marty Morris, Seamus Marley, Ruby Davidson, Briege Meehan, Michael Marron and hundreds more were and continue to be protected by Sinn Fein/PIRA. Only a handful of Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists have actually appeared before the courts, their victims remain silenced in the Ghettos and the leavey lanes of suburbia by the threat of death, as suffered by Paul Quinn in Monaghan or Kevin McGuigan in Belfast in recent times.
Of the initial list of 41 Sinn Fein/PIRA members drawn up by The Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership to receive Comfort Letters from MI6, 27 on that list were Sinn Fein/PIRA sex criminals such as Seamus Marley. Seamus Marley is the son of leading Sinn Fein/PIRA member Laurence Marley who was shot dead by loyalist paramilitaries. Seamus Marley had been moved out of Belfast after admitting to the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership that he had engaged in sex crimes.
The Secretary of State for the north was told in 1999 that 27 of the 41 OTRs on the list were sex criminals and not on-the-run for Terrorist activity, however, like many Secretaries of State he was simply an MI6 appointee, following The Oatley and McGuinness script.
Marley was moved to a Sinn Fein/PIRA safe-house in Louth where he raped two young boys, he is now serving 7 years for those rapes but is under investigation for other crimes. In Dundalk in the 1990s Liam Adams was describing himself on the front page of the regional paper, Argos, as a Pedophile Hunter, in fact, he was the pedophile but had been protected by the leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA, he has since died while serving 15 years for raping a 4-year-old-child. The majority of Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists in the north, were and continue to be, Ghosted into The Republic when their victims cannot be silenced. The numbers involved are overwhelming.
This article by Ed Moloney in The Sunday Tribune shook the leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA as people were beginning to break silence.
Sinn Fein/PIRA member Michael Marron pleads guilty to raping a female child after that child's family had to move out of the area to seek justice. Michael Marron is also the person who continuously ran a smear campaign against Eamon Collins before Eamon was murdered in 1999. Marron had often written on the walls of Barcroft estate that Eamon Collins was a Peadophile.
This article in The Sunday Herald September 1999, highlights how the rape of women and children is being used by Sinn Fein/PIRA as a weapon of torture, The Rape Crisis Centre, Belfast is quoted, "One in every Four clients that we deal with, women and children have been raped by Sinn Fein/PIRA members. In some instances Mothers have been warned at gun point to take their raped child to England for an abortion so that the Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists cannot be identified at a latter point by DNA from the baby.
This article that appeared in The Newsletter Sept 2000 explains how a male child was shot by Sinn Fein/PIRA because he told social worker that he had been sexually abused by a senior member of Sinn Fein/PIRA.
Sinn Fein/PIRA kept very detailed records of the Human Rights abuses they engaged in, they also kept a very clear record of certain loyalist groups that were engaging in similar activity against their own community. I downloaded this database from a Sinn Fein/PIRA computer in Belfast, when I still had a wee key.
Sinn Fein/PIRA mouth-pieces such as Gerry Adams stood at the graveside of PIRA volunteers and lied through their teeth, all of the above and much more is why The PIRA should have been surrendered, The PIRA had become and remain The Black and Tans of the latter 20th Century and now the 21st Century and no number of apologists will remove that stain. Sinn Fein when they break FREE from The PIRA Army Council and their Handlers, will be entitled to engage in normal politics, but until then they must remain in political self-isolation.
The Provisional IRA are proxies for their Handlers, they should disband and decommission their MI6 supplied Glocks. The PIRA Army Council should apologise to the Catholic/Nationalist community in the north for the crimes it has committed against them these past 50 years.
In 1998, this author press released a list of 100 Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists and pedophiles who had been protected by the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership, to highlight the hypocrisy of Sinn Fein/PIRA as self-proclaimed liberators/defenders of the nationalist/Catholic community. In response to my press release some good journalists (who had not sold out to the 'peace-process' gravy train) began to ask serious questions of the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership. The Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership panicked and ordered an Internal-Audit of Sinn Fein/PIRA around the country to establish how wide-spread the rape of women and children was within the organisation. This Internal-Audit was to estimate the political damage that could be caused to Sinn Fein/PIRA if someone actually investigated the claims. Seamus and Annie concluded their Internal-Audit and reported back directly to Sinn Fein/PIRA HQ in Belfast. The Internal-Audit found that at least 5,000 women and children had been raped by Sinn Fein/PIRA members.
In 2014 Gerry Adams TD would produce a list of 27 Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists that they had Ghosted into The Irish Republic in order to take the political pressure off. This was the 27 origionally included in the initial list of 41 On-The-Runs to recieve 'Comfort Letters' from MI6.
In 2014 Gerry Adams TD would produce a list of 27 Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists that they had Ghosted into The Irish Republic in order to take the political pressure off. This was the 27 origionally included in the initial list of 41 On-The-Runs to recieve 'Comfort Letters' from MI6.
Leading members of Sinn Fein/PIRA who had admitted to Sinn Fein/PIRA that they were sex criminals such as Gerry Adams Snr, Liam Adams, Marty Morris, Seamus Marley, Ruby Davidson, Briege Meehan, Michael Marron and hundreds more were and continue to be protected by Sinn Fein/PIRA. Only a handful of Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists have actually appeared before the courts, their victims remain silenced in the Ghettos and the leavey lanes of suburbia by the threat of death, as suffered by Paul Quinn in Monaghan or Kevin McGuigan in Belfast in recent times.
Of the initial list of 41 Sinn Fein/PIRA members drawn up by The Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership to receive Comfort Letters from MI6, 27 on that list were Sinn Fein/PIRA sex criminals such as Seamus Marley. Seamus Marley is the son of leading Sinn Fein/PIRA member Laurence Marley who was shot dead by loyalist paramilitaries. Seamus Marley had been moved out of Belfast after admitting to the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership that he had engaged in sex crimes.
The Secretary of State for the north was told in 1999 that 27 of the 41 OTRs on the list were sex criminals and not on-the-run for Terrorist activity, however, like many Secretaries of State he was simply an MI6 appointee, following The Oatley and McGuinness script.
Marley was moved to a Sinn Fein/PIRA safe-house in Louth where he raped two young boys, he is now serving 7 years for those rapes but is under investigation for other crimes. In Dundalk in the 1990s Liam Adams was describing himself on the front page of the regional paper, Argos, as a Pedophile Hunter, in fact, he was the pedophile but had been protected by the leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA, he has since died while serving 15 years for raping a 4-year-old-child. The majority of Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists in the north, were and continue to be, Ghosted into The Republic when their victims cannot be silenced. The numbers involved are overwhelming.
This article by Ed Moloney in The Sunday Tribune shook the leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA as people were beginning to break silence.
Sinn Fein/PIRA member Michael Marron pleads guilty to raping a female child after that child's family had to move out of the area to seek justice. Michael Marron is also the person who continuously ran a smear campaign against Eamon Collins before Eamon was murdered in 1999. Marron had often written on the walls of Barcroft estate that Eamon Collins was a Peadophile.
This article in The Sunday Herald September 1999, highlights how the rape of women and children is being used by Sinn Fein/PIRA as a weapon of torture, The Rape Crisis Centre, Belfast is quoted, "One in every Four clients that we deal with, women and children have been raped by Sinn Fein/PIRA members. In some instances Mothers have been warned at gun point to take their raped child to England for an abortion so that the Sinn Fein/PIRA rapists cannot be identified at a latter point by DNA from the baby.
This article that appeared in The Newsletter Sept 2000 explains how a male child was shot by Sinn Fein/PIRA because he told social worker that he had been sexually abused by a senior member of Sinn Fein/PIRA.
Sinn Fein/PIRA kept very detailed records of the Human Rights abuses they engaged in, they also kept a very clear record of certain loyalist groups that were engaging in similar activity against their own community. I downloaded this database from a Sinn Fein/PIRA computer in Belfast, when I still had a wee key.
Vincent McKenna Conviction
Vincent McKenna is about to have his conviction for sexual assault declared a miscarriage of justice and is expected to be paid substantial compensation by the State. The conviction came at the height of McKenna’s campaign to expose leading members of the Provisional movement as British Agents including Martin McGuinness, Freddie Scappitticci, Dennis Donaldson, Roy McShane and many others.
Vincent McKenna is about to have his conviction for sexual assault declared a miscarriage of justice and is expected to be paid substantial compensation by the State. The conviction came at the height of McKenna’s campaign to expose leading members of the Provisional movement as British Agents including Martin McGuinness, Freddie Scappitticci, Dennis Donaldson, Roy McShane and many others.
Vincent McKenna exhausted after finishing the 2018 Dublin City Marathon and holding the plaque he received when he completed the 1988 Millennium Dublin City Marathon
McKenna’s conviction has been described by Senior Counsel as, “A Bizarre miscarriage of justice, achieved by collaboration between an even more bizarre collection of people”.
Dr Mohan, Senior Consultant with the Department of Justice has said, "It is clear that the Jury in DPP v Vincent McKenna had insufficient information to make a balanced decision".
Former PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna said, January 2019, "I have many regrets, one of my greatest regrets was allowing members of the republican movement to run a perverse and vile campaign against Vincent McKenna. Vincent McKenna always said what he thought and always challenged when he thought wrong was being done in the name of republicanism. We all knew that Vincent was innocent of the vile charges being made against him, yet I allowed members of the republican movement to facilitate those vile charges believing that McKenna had turned on us, when in fact he was simply doing what he had always done, standing up for and fighting for those who were unable to defend themselves, I have sent a note to Vincent McKenna apologising for the wrong that I and others have done to him".
Vincent McKenna with Maureen Kearney (RIP) campaigning for Justice for Andrew Kearney who was murdered by gutless cowards on the 19th July 1998. This murder gang was being directed by a British Agent and this above all else is what makes their murderous attack a crime against humanity.
This picture was published in An Phoblacht (May 14th 1987) it was taken in Emyvale, County Monaghan when PIRA Commander Jim Lynagh's coffin was being moved through Emyvale after being returned by the RUC. The circle shows Vincent McKenna and an associate positioned in order to open up the crowd after the volley of shots have been fired so that the PIRA Colour Party can make their way up an entry to the back of a safe-house so that the guns and uniforms may be removed from the site by vans that have been positioned on a side road. Two Garda Special Branch Officers used their car to try and block the two vans, however, the crowd lifted the Garda car onto its side and dumped it in a ditch with one Garda Officer still inside the car.
This picture was published in An Phoblacht (May 14th 1987) it was taken in Emyvale County Monaghan when PIRA Commander Jim Lynagh's coffin was being moved through Emyvale after being returned by the RUC. The picture shows Garda Special Branch Officer, Joe Derwin opening fire with an Uzi-sub-machine gun on an unarmed crowd of mourners, Vincent McKenna can be seen steeping in front of the Special Branch Officer and holding his arms out to try and deflect the gun fire from the crowd. With their backs to the camera are PIRA Volunteers Laurence McKenna and Laurence McNally, the rest of the crowd have run back towards Emyvale main street.
McKenna said, "I was very naive in relation to the lengths that people would go to in order to deny me a fair hearing, the Garda Inspector involved in the case swore on Oath that he had not given information to the media before my trial, however, a senior Garda is on record stating that the Garda Inspector admitted to him that he had feed information to the media which denied me a fair trial. I have since learned that The Jury Foreman was out on bail facing serious charges and that the Jury had been told lies about me while they were having lunch in The Swan Lake Hotel, the whole thing is like something written by Roddy Doyle".
"When I went voluntarily to Monaghan District Court on the 12th January 1999 to seek access to my children, I was arrested by Gardai after I left the Court under Section 4 of The Criminal Justice Act, in relation to allegations of indecent assault. During my 20-hour detention the Gardai had no interest in the alleged allegations as they said they were not worth the paper they were written on. I told the Gardai that I wanted my interviews recorded, however, they refused and focused on recruiting me as an Agent to work on their behalf in the north. They told me things about Caoimhghín Ó'Caoláin TD and Eoin/Owen Smyth which I had not known before, they also told me that Owen Smyth had promised them guns in exchange for them arresting me in a high-profile fashion".
"Before I was released without charge or bail from Monaghan Garda Station one of the Detectives wrote his name, private home address and private phone number on the back of a receipt from Penny’s store in Dundalk so that I could work for them as an Agent. For some un-explained reason, when I returned to Belfast Garda Inspector Joseph Sullivan began to brief the press negatively about me, for example:
"Asked if the Garda investigators expect formal charges to be directed by the DPP, Inspector Sullivan told the Irish Voice, 'we are confident that there will be a prosecution and we are confident that we will secure convictions against this suspect'." (https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/1999/10/vmk-o20.html)
In retaliation for Garda Inspector Joseph Sullivan briefing the press negatively against me I gave the Penny’s receipt to Journalist Nell McCafferty and she phoned the Garda Detective and he agreed that he had given me his name, private home address and number to provide Gardai with information”.
16th January 1999: “Gardai believe the heavy machineguns found in a field in Monaghan on Thursday are part of the same Provisional IRA arsenal discovered last October”, Irish Independent.
"The allegations were initiated in April 1998 with the alleged victim making no formal allegation until 9th January 1999. On the 7th May 1998 my ex-wife Fiona McCleary phoned my partner in Belfast and told her, “All that is being said is lies, but it has all gone too far”, Fiona went on to say that she had been forced by Owen/Eoin Smyth and Marian Smyth to initiate the allegations. In July 1998 Fiona had asked me to phone her, and I phoned her from the Jury’s Hotel in Ballsbridge, one of my sisters was with me and she listened to the conversation, Fiona McCleary said, “If you sign the house over to me and agree to meet with Owen Smyth the allegations will go away”, I told Fiona that would not be happening and she should think about what she is doing. Fiona continued to say that she had meet with Owen Smyth and Marian Smyth on a number of occasions to see how the allegations could be advanced against me".
The alleged victim would later claim to have won a young person of the year award, in fact she had not won any award, but had been nominated for that award by RUC Informer/double-killer Eoin/Owen Smyth and Tax Fraudster Patsy Treanor. What real victim would accept a nomination from such degenerates. The Supreme Court in Dublin described Smyth’s crimes as, “so brutal, cowardly and callous that it would be a distortion of language if they were to be accorded the status of a political offence”. Owen/Eoin Smyth had told Vincent McKenna in the Republican A Wing Crumlin Road Jail in 1981, that he (Smyth) had planned the murders of 86 year-old Norman Strong and his 56 year-old son James. In 1998 Smyth was determined to bury McKenna as Smyth knew that if McKenna made a statement about what Smyth had told him, Smyth could be re-charged with the murders under Section 2 of The 1993 Criminal Justice Act.
The alleged victim actually received 47 votes on a phone-in vote to RTE Television for the people of the year awards, this is the same person who claimed to have presented a petition of 200,000 signatures to The DPP, The DPP have stated in writing that the petition never existed, it was fantasy.
From Left to Right: The alleged victim who insisted on attending Vincent McKenna's graduation a few months before she alleges abuse at his hand.
The alleged victim
While the alleged victim would state on Oath to the Court that she had no knowledge of sexual activity other than what she was describing against the accused, her Private Diary, March 1998, told a different story, this was not shown to the jury:
“Fuck em All, Full Monty, I stayed in Aidan’s Room, I just want to get close to him, Mum has no idea where I stayed, we are all going out to Hillgrove tomorrow night 19th I will wear my sexy black morgan dress that gives me pulling power, Aidan, Ciaran and Darragh!”.
The alleged victim has no more entries in her diary for 1998 and shortly after entering the above sexually driven entry she begins the process of making allegations of sexual abuse against Vincent McKenna.
Diary entry 1997: “In reference to the above I went (Dec 1996) with fella from Keady, Mark was his name, I was a tease in my tight cords and top, at the Glencairn under-18 I shifted Mark in a dark quiet corner”.
The alleged victim is also intensely jealous of her siblings and especially their relationship with Vincent McKenna, here is an extract from her personal diary, January 1997:
“Sean worships his Father, he is hyperactive, does karate, curses at every opportunity and is usually fighting and like I said just nicked £5 from Sinead…Sinead is a bad bitch”.
Free e-Books by Vincent McKenna ⇰
McKenna’s conviction has been described by Senior Counsel as, “A Bizarre miscarriage of justice, achieved by collaboration between an even more bizarre collection of people”.
Dr Mohan, Senior Consultant with the Department of Justice has said, "It is clear that the Jury in DPP v Vincent McKenna had insufficient information to make a balanced decision".
Former PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna said, January 2019, "I have many regrets, one of my greatest regrets was allowing members of the republican movement to run a perverse and vile campaign against Vincent McKenna. Vincent McKenna always said what he thought and always challenged when he thought wrong was being done in the name of republicanism. We all knew that Vincent was innocent of the vile charges being made against him, yet I allowed members of the republican movement to facilitate those vile charges believing that McKenna had turned on us, when in fact he was simply doing what he had always done, standing up for and fighting for those who were unable to defend themselves, I have sent a note to Vincent McKenna apologising for the wrong that I and others have done to him".
Vincent McKenna with Maureen Kearney (RIP) campaigning for Justice for Andrew Kearney who was murdered by gutless cowards on the 19th July 1998. This murder gang was being directed by a British Agent and this above all else is what makes their murderous attack a crime against humanity.
This picture was published in An Phoblacht (May 14th 1987) it was taken in Emyvale, County Monaghan when PIRA Commander Jim Lynagh's coffin was being moved through Emyvale after being returned by the RUC. The circle shows Vincent McKenna and an associate positioned in order to open up the crowd after the volley of shots have been fired so that the PIRA Colour Party can make their way up an entry to the back of a safe-house so that the guns and uniforms may be removed from the site by vans that have been positioned on a side road. Two Garda Special Branch Officers used their car to try and block the two vans, however, the crowd lifted the Garda car onto its side and dumped it in a ditch with one Garda Officer still inside the car.
This picture was published in An Phoblacht (May 14th 1987) it was taken in Emyvale County Monaghan when PIRA Commander Jim Lynagh's coffin was being moved through Emyvale after being returned by the RUC. The picture shows Garda Special Branch Officer, Joe Derwin opening fire with an Uzi-sub-machine gun on an unarmed crowd of mourners, Vincent McKenna can be seen steeping in front of the Special Branch Officer and holding his arms out to try and deflect the gun fire from the crowd. With their backs to the camera are PIRA Volunteers Laurence McKenna and Laurence McNally, the rest of the crowd have run back towards Emyvale main street.
McKenna said, "I was very naive in relation to the lengths that people would go to in order to deny me a fair hearing, the Garda Inspector involved in the case swore on Oath that he had not given information to the media before my trial, however, a senior Garda is on record stating that the Garda Inspector admitted to him that he had feed information to the media which denied me a fair trial. I have since learned that The Jury Foreman was out on bail facing serious charges and that the Jury had been told lies about me while they were having lunch in The Swan Lake Hotel, the whole thing is like something written by Roddy Doyle".
"When I went voluntarily to Monaghan District Court on the 12th January 1999 to seek access to my children, I was arrested by Gardai after I left the Court under Section 4 of The Criminal Justice Act, in relation to allegations of indecent assault. During my 20-hour detention the Gardai had no interest in the alleged allegations as they said they were not worth the paper they were written on. I told the Gardai that I wanted my interviews recorded, however, they refused and focused on recruiting me as an Agent to work on their behalf in the north. They told me things about Caoimhghín Ó'Caoláin TD and Eoin/Owen Smyth which I had not known before, they also told me that Owen Smyth had promised them guns in exchange for them arresting me in a high-profile fashion".
"Before I was released without charge or bail from Monaghan Garda Station one of the Detectives wrote his name, private home address and private phone number on the back of a receipt from Penny’s store in Dundalk so that I could work for them as an Agent. For some un-explained reason, when I returned to Belfast Garda Inspector Joseph Sullivan began to brief the press negatively about me, for example:
"Asked if the Garda investigators expect formal charges to be directed by the DPP, Inspector Sullivan told the Irish Voice, 'we are confident that there will be a prosecution and we are confident that we will secure convictions against this suspect'." (https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/1999/10/vmk-o20.html)
In retaliation for Garda Inspector Joseph Sullivan briefing the press negatively against me I gave the Penny’s receipt to Journalist Nell McCafferty and she phoned the Garda Detective and he agreed that he had given me his name, private home address and number to provide Gardai with information”.
16th January 1999: “Gardai believe the heavy machineguns found in a field in Monaghan on Thursday are part of the same Provisional IRA arsenal discovered last October”, Irish Independent.
"The allegations were initiated in April 1998 with the alleged victim making no formal allegation until 9th January 1999. On the 7th May 1998 my ex-wife Fiona McCleary phoned my partner in Belfast and told her, “All that is being said is lies, but it has all gone too far”, Fiona went on to say that she had been forced by Owen/Eoin Smyth and Marian Smyth to initiate the allegations. In July 1998 Fiona had asked me to phone her, and I phoned her from the Jury’s Hotel in Ballsbridge, one of my sisters was with me and she listened to the conversation, Fiona McCleary said, “If you sign the house over to me and agree to meet with Owen Smyth the allegations will go away”, I told Fiona that would not be happening and she should think about what she is doing. Fiona continued to say that she had meet with Owen Smyth and Marian Smyth on a number of occasions to see how the allegations could be advanced against me".
The alleged victim would later claim to have won a young person of the year award, in fact she had not won any award, but had been nominated for that award by RUC Informer/double-killer Eoin/Owen Smyth and Tax Fraudster Patsy Treanor. What real victim would accept a nomination from such degenerates. The Supreme Court in Dublin described Smyth’s crimes as, “so brutal, cowardly and callous that it would be a distortion of language if they were to be accorded the status of a political offence”. Owen/Eoin Smyth had told Vincent McKenna in the Republican A Wing Crumlin Road Jail in 1981, that he (Smyth) had planned the murders of 86 year-old Norman Strong and his 56 year-old son James. In 1998 Smyth was determined to bury McKenna as Smyth knew that if McKenna made a statement about what Smyth had told him, Smyth could be re-charged with the murders under Section 2 of The 1993 Criminal Justice Act.
The alleged victim actually received 47 votes on a phone-in vote to RTE Television for the people of the year awards, this is the same person who claimed to have presented a petition of 200,000 signatures to The DPP, The DPP have stated in writing that the petition never existed, it was fantasy.
From Left to Right: The alleged victim who insisted on attending Vincent McKenna's graduation a few months before she alleges abuse at his hand.
The alleged victim
While the alleged victim would state on Oath to the Court that she had no knowledge of sexual activity other than what she was describing against the accused, her Private Diary, March 1998, told a different story, this was not shown to the jury:
“Fuck em All, Full Monty, I stayed in Aidan’s Room, I just want to get close to him, Mum has no idea where I stayed, we are all going out to Hillgrove tomorrow night 19th I will wear my sexy black morgan dress that gives me pulling power, Aidan, Ciaran and Darragh!”.
The alleged victim has no more entries in her diary for 1998 and shortly after entering the above sexually driven entry she begins the process of making allegations of sexual abuse against Vincent McKenna.
Diary entry 1997: “In reference to the above I went (Dec 1996) with fella from Keady, Mark was his name, I was a tease in my tight cords and top, at the Glencairn under-18 I shifted Mark in a dark quiet corner”.
The alleged victim is also intensely jealous of her siblings and especially their relationship with Vincent McKenna, here is an extract from her personal diary, January 1997:
“Sean worships his Father, he is hyperactive, does karate, curses at every opportunity and is usually fighting and like I said just nicked £5 from Sinead…Sinead is a bad bitch”.
Free e-Books by Vincent McKenna ⇰
Vincent McKenna Arrest and Detention
Vincent McKenna was arrested under anti-terrorist legislation on many occasions both north and south of the ‘border’ and houses in which he lived north and south were raided. In 1983 McKenna was arrested under Section 30 of the Offences Against the State Act on two occasions, on one occasion he was travelling with Caoimhghín Ó'Caoláin when they were stopped by Detectives and on another occasion when McKenna was staying in a safe house in north Dublin. In 1986 McKenna was arrested under a 7-day detention order in the north and taken to Gough Barracks in Armagh. An Informer from Aughnacloy had wrongfully named McKenna in statements as the person being involved in the shooting of a UDR member. McKenna was interrogated 20 hours per-day by a team of 12 specialist RUC officers, McKenna was subjected to incessant psychological pressure being exerted by his R.U.C. interrogators. McKenna remained silent and he has little sympathy for those who say they broke under interrogation. McKenna says, “The reality is that those who ‘broke’ were never committed to the cause of Irish Republicanism, these were self-centred individuals who cared only for their own miserable existence”.
In 1981 McKenna, while in a car driven by Kevin McKenna’s sister, was arrested in relation to two arson attacks both of which involved RUC personnel (one attack was directly on a house in which three RUC Officers lived, the other was on a chip-shop above which a Catholic RUC Officer was staying with the daughter of the chip-shop owner) and McKenna was remanded to the Republican A Wing of Crumlin Road Jail. McKenna was given bail as he was described in court as a 17-year-old who had recently been married and his first child had been born. While on bail McKenna was told by his IRA commanders in Monaghan not to return for trial in the north. McKenna was then subject to a long and drawn out extradition process.
In 1984 McKenna was extradited by The High Court in Dublin, following this judgement The State’s Solicitor’s Office in the north told McKenna he would only be charged with arson and not endangering life if he did not appeal the judgement to The Supreme Court. McKenna spoke to Joe Cahill and Seamus McGarrigle at 44 Parnell Square and they said he could not take the deal. However, when McKenna returned to Monaghan he was told by senior IRA members including The OC that he could take the deal and return to Monaghan where he would continue to work for Sinn Fein/PIRA.
When McKenna withdrew his appeal to The Supreme Court and returned to the north, the RUC charged McKenna with two arson attacks and endangering the lives of three RUC officers and a civilian. McKenna complained to the courts and the story made headline news, the State Solicitor’s Office eventually reduced the charges as their ‘double-cross’ would have prevented others from taking assurances from the State Solicitor’s Office. Behind the scenes many members of The INLA Hugh Torney and the PIRA Joe McGuckin took deals that simply meant they would have some charges dropped in exchange for dropping long drawn out and expensive court proceedings in Dublin.
McKenna spent several months in the Republican A-Wing of Crumlin Road Jail and was under the command of Joe Haughey and Seamus Shannon (Shannon had been extradited based on information supplied to the RUC by Owen/Eoin Smyth – when Smyth had been arrested in 1981).
Vincent McKenna was arrested under anti-terrorist legislation on many occasions both north and south of the ‘border’ and houses in which he lived north and south were raided. In 1983 McKenna was arrested under Section 30 of the Offences Against the State Act on two occasions, on one occasion he was travelling with Caoimhghín Ó'Caoláin when they were stopped by Detectives and on another occasion when McKenna was staying in a safe house in north Dublin. In 1986 McKenna was arrested under a 7-day detention order in the north and taken to Gough Barracks in Armagh. An Informer from Aughnacloy had wrongfully named McKenna in statements as the person being involved in the shooting of a UDR member. McKenna was interrogated 20 hours per-day by a team of 12 specialist RUC officers, McKenna was subjected to incessant psychological pressure being exerted by his R.U.C. interrogators. McKenna remained silent and he has little sympathy for those who say they broke under interrogation. McKenna says, “The reality is that those who ‘broke’ were never committed to the cause of Irish Republicanism, these were self-centred individuals who cared only for their own miserable existence”.
In 1981 McKenna, while in a car driven by Kevin McKenna’s sister, was arrested in relation to two arson attacks both of which involved RUC personnel (one attack was directly on a house in which three RUC Officers lived, the other was on a chip-shop above which a Catholic RUC Officer was staying with the daughter of the chip-shop owner) and McKenna was remanded to the Republican A Wing of Crumlin Road Jail. McKenna was given bail as he was described in court as a 17-year-old who had recently been married and his first child had been born. While on bail McKenna was told by his IRA commanders in Monaghan not to return for trial in the north. McKenna was then subject to a long and drawn out extradition process.
In 1984 McKenna was extradited by The High Court in Dublin, following this judgement The State’s Solicitor’s Office in the north told McKenna he would only be charged with arson and not endangering life if he did not appeal the judgement to The Supreme Court. McKenna spoke to Joe Cahill and Seamus McGarrigle at 44 Parnell Square and they said he could not take the deal. However, when McKenna returned to Monaghan he was told by senior IRA members including The OC that he could take the deal and return to Monaghan where he would continue to work for Sinn Fein/PIRA.
When McKenna withdrew his appeal to The Supreme Court and returned to the north, the RUC charged McKenna with two arson attacks and endangering the lives of three RUC officers and a civilian. McKenna complained to the courts and the story made headline news, the State Solicitor’s Office eventually reduced the charges as their ‘double-cross’ would have prevented others from taking assurances from the State Solicitor’s Office. Behind the scenes many members of The INLA Hugh Torney and the PIRA Joe McGuckin took deals that simply meant they would have some charges dropped in exchange for dropping long drawn out and expensive court proceedings in Dublin.
McKenna spent several months in the Republican A-Wing of Crumlin Road Jail and was under the command of Joe Haughey and Seamus Shannon (Shannon had been extradited based on information supplied to the RUC by Owen/Eoin Smyth – when Smyth had been arrested in 1981).
Vincent McKenna 2018
In 2018 Vincent McKenna spends most of his time raising money for Cancer Research, McKenna lost a number of friends to Cancer and he has become one of the growing number of activists determined to help those searching for a cure for one of the greatest killers on earth. McKenna is not new to charity Fund Raising and as far back as 1978 McKenna organised a 1,000,001 darts marathon to help families in Cambodia, the money raised was the highest amount raised in Ireland for that flood disaster in 1978.
In 2018 Vincent McKenna spends most of his time raising money for Cancer Research, McKenna lost a number of friends to Cancer and he has become one of the growing number of activists determined to help those searching for a cure for one of the greatest killers on earth. McKenna is not new to charity Fund Raising and as far back as 1978 McKenna organised a 1,000,001 darts marathon to help families in Cambodia, the money raised was the highest amount raised in Ireland for that flood disaster in 1978.
Vincent McKenna Interview
This is an exclusive interview with Vincent McKenna BBSc, PG Dip, MSc (First Class) Vincent McKenna originates from County Monaghan, although he spent many years of his childhood in neighboring County Tyrone.
This is an exclusive interview with Vincent McKenna BBSc, PG Dip, MSc (First Class) Vincent McKenna originates from County Monaghan, although he spent many years of his childhood in neighboring County Tyrone.
Vincent McKenna Peace Process
In the early days of the Peace Process when Gerry Adams and John Hume were having exploratory talks, many of the people and political personalities who now claim ownership of the Peace Process were in fact opposed to the Hume/Adams Initiative that became public knowledge in 1993. The Irish Government were fearful that Sinn Fein could make substantial electoral gains in the south if Sinn Fein were to de-commission the PIRA and follow a peaceful path. The British Government were as always at the dictate of unionists and the USA was always fearful of being made look foolish if they fell in with a Peace Plan that might literally 'blow-up' in their face.
Left to Right: Vincent McKenna, Ed Curran, Paul McMinamin, Peter O'Neil, Tom Collins, John Hume and Prof Simon Lee as reported in Belfast Telegraph.
It was during these early days of the Peace Process that Vincent McKenna was asked by John Hume to draft a document that could be used as a Blue-print for multi-party talks and possible agreement. Vincent McKenna sought out a concept known as Consociational Democracy and began a process of engaging with a variety of groups and individuals involved in the conflict. McKenna set-up public platforms at Queens University Belfast where for the first-time such areas as policing, parades, prisoners and so forth were discussed in an open and honest manner. McKenna even managed to get the first round table discussions between The Orange Order, The Pardaes Commission and The Garvaghy Roads Residents Association during a two-day conference at Queens University's Politics Department.
From 1994 Vincent McKenna had been arguing that political prisoners must be part of any agreed settlement and in the article below McKenna joins Gino Gallagher in calls for all prisoners to be treated equally. It is worth noting that some of those who continue to use their poison pen against McKenna on sites such as The Starry Plough, were in fact sitting in the back seat of RUC cars and taking their weekly payment for 'touting' while McKenna was demanding rights for INLA prisoners.
By the summer of 1994 McKenna had prepared the first draft of a document that set out how the key stake-holders in the north including Sinn Fein and The DUP could meet on common ground in relation to the bread and butter issues, while remaining quietly at odds in relation to the 'National Question'.
From Left to Right: Vincent McKenna, Ed Curran, Paul McMinimin, Peter O'Neil, Tom Collins, John Hume and Prof Simon Lee in 1994
In the early days of the Peace Process when Gerry Adams and John Hume were having exploratory talks, many of the people and political personalities who now claim ownership of the Peace Process were in fact opposed to the Hume/Adams Initiative that became public knowledge in 1993. The Irish Government were fearful that Sinn Fein could make substantial electoral gains in the south if Sinn Fein were to de-commission the PIRA and follow a peaceful path. The British Government were as always at the dictate of unionists and the USA was always fearful of being made look foolish if they fell in with a Peace Plan that might literally 'blow-up' in their face.
Left to Right: Vincent McKenna, Ed Curran, Paul McMinamin, Peter O'Neil, Tom Collins, John Hume and Prof Simon Lee as reported in Belfast Telegraph.
It was during these early days of the Peace Process that Vincent McKenna was asked by John Hume to draft a document that could be used as a Blue-print for multi-party talks and possible agreement. Vincent McKenna sought out a concept known as Consociational Democracy and began a process of engaging with a variety of groups and individuals involved in the conflict. McKenna set-up public platforms at Queens University Belfast where for the first-time such areas as policing, parades, prisoners and so forth were discussed in an open and honest manner. McKenna even managed to get the first round table discussions between The Orange Order, The Pardaes Commission and The Garvaghy Roads Residents Association during a two-day conference at Queens University's Politics Department.
From 1994 Vincent McKenna had been arguing that political prisoners must be part of any agreed settlement and in the article below McKenna joins Gino Gallagher in calls for all prisoners to be treated equally. It is worth noting that some of those who continue to use their poison pen against McKenna on sites such as The Starry Plough, were in fact sitting in the back seat of RUC cars and taking their weekly payment for 'touting' while McKenna was demanding rights for INLA prisoners.
By the summer of 1994 McKenna had prepared the first draft of a document that set out how the key stake-holders in the north including Sinn Fein and The DUP could meet on common ground in relation to the bread and butter issues, while remaining quietly at odds in relation to the 'National Question'.
From Left to Right: Vincent McKenna, Ed Curran, Paul McMinimin, Peter O'Neil, Tom Collins, John Hume and Prof Simon Lee in 1994
When Vincent McKenna graduated from Queens University with a degree in Politics and Information Management in 1996 he was asked to continue with his work by John Hume, Brian Lenihan TD Snr and a senior official from The NIO. McKenna was given Post-Graduate funding and at the beginning of 1998 McKenna presented his final draft of the document that would be brought forward for cross-party discussion in the north.
Left to Right: Vincent McKenna, William Smyth (PUP) and Barry McElduff (Sinn Fein) during a debate at Queens on political prisoners organised by Vincent McKenna
Left to Right: Raymond McCartney (Ex-POW), Danny McCloskey and Bronagh McGahan (ex-POW) as reported in The Irish News and organised by Vincent McKenna
Left to Right: Vincent McKenna, William Smyth (PUP) and Barry McElduff (Sinn Fein) during a debate at Queens on political prisoners organised by Vincent McKenna
Left to Right: Raymond McCartney (Ex-POW), Danny McCloskey and Bronagh McGahan (ex-POW) as reported in The Irish News and organised by Vincent McKenna
Gael Scoil Ultain Monaghan
In 1986 Vincent McKenna was one of the founding members of an all Irish School, Gael Scoil Ultain, in Monaghan Town and Gael Scoil Ultain would be funded for the first two years of its existence with money raised by Vincent McKenna running sponsored Dublin City Marathons. In recent years the Irish Government would invest €30 Million on a new campus for Gael Scoil Ultain in Monaghan on the site of the old Amy barracks on the Armagh Road in Monaghan.
In 1997 Vincent McKenna won a Silver Medal in the UK regional Martial Arts Championship
While Chairperson of the Student Union Executive at Queens University in Belfast Mc Kenna would interpret the Constitution of The Students Union to allow for the introduction of a bi-lingual policy (English/Irish) on the University Campus, an executive decision for which McKenna was heavily criticised in the Belfast Newsletter.
McKenna came in for even greater criticism when he created the posts of LGB Officer and Women's Rights Officer on the Executive.
In 1986 Vincent McKenna was one of the founding members of an all Irish School, Gael Scoil Ultain, in Monaghan Town and Gael Scoil Ultain would be funded for the first two years of its existence with money raised by Vincent McKenna running sponsored Dublin City Marathons. In recent years the Irish Government would invest €30 Million on a new campus for Gael Scoil Ultain in Monaghan on the site of the old Amy barracks on the Armagh Road in Monaghan.
In 1997 Vincent McKenna won a Silver Medal in the UK regional Martial Arts Championship
While Chairperson of the Student Union Executive at Queens University in Belfast Mc Kenna would interpret the Constitution of The Students Union to allow for the introduction of a bi-lingual policy (English/Irish) on the University Campus, an executive decision for which McKenna was heavily criticised in the Belfast Newsletter.
McKenna came in for even greater criticism when he created the posts of LGB Officer and Women's Rights Officer on the Executive.
Vincent McKenna Sinn Fein/PIRA
Vincent McKenna joined Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan Town when he was 16 years old and served militarily under IRA Commander Jim Lynagh and Politically under Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD, at one point Vincent McKenna and Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD shared a flat together at the bottom of Dublin Street, Monaghan Town, this is not disputed by Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD.
Vincent McKenna joined Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan Town when he was 16 years old and served militarily under IRA Commander Jim Lynagh and Politically under Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD, at one point Vincent McKenna and Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD shared a flat together at the bottom of Dublin Street, Monaghan Town, this is not disputed by Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD.
Christmas card sent to Vincent McKenna from Jim Lynagh (Portaloise Prison)
McKenna was also a regular writer for An Phoblacht/Republican news and worked closely with Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD during the restructuring of Sinn Fein in the early 1980s, this included spending many weeks working at Sinn Fein Head Quarters at 44 Parnell Square, Dublin. McKenna was also the person tasked with raising the money to open a Sinn Fein Office at 21 Dublin Street, Monaghan Town.
The article here to the right was written by McKenna and published in An Phoblacht/Republican News on July 7th 1985. The article addresses issues of human rights abuses and the hypocrisy of the hierarchy of the Catholic Church on the issue.
The article titled 'Election Posters', is an article written by McKenna and published in the Northern Standard in Monaghan when McKenna was Sinn Fein Director of Posters during an election campaign.
In 1987 McKenna’s friend and IRA Commander Jim Lynagh was shot dead by the SAS at Loughgall, while McKenna continued to work with a senior member of the PIRA from East Tyrone, it is alleged that McKenna teamed up with a small number of senior IRA members in Belfast and set about infiltrating the British establishment in the north in order to gain access to information about British Agents operating within the Provisional IRA and Sinn Fein. McKenna would in 1999 face questioning in Castlereagh interrogation centre in relation to the shooting of RUC Informer MartinMcGartland in England. McKenna was also spotted close to the home of former IRA Commander/MI5 Agent Sean O’Callaghan in London, while McKenna was stopped and questioned about his reasons for being in the area; McKenna said he was simply sightseeing.
In 1998 when McKenna was making successful inroads into the British establishment in the north of Ireland, the British Secret Service activated their agents to begin a campaign to discredit McKenna, as it was clear that McKenna had gained access to vital intelligence in relation to the shooting dead of 8 IRA volunteers at Loughgall in 1987. Such was the success of McKenna’s infiltration of the British apparatus in the north that McKenna gained the confidence of people such as Sir Jack Herman and many other securocrats who thought McKenna was a very brave man to be taking on the Provisional IRA on their own turf, the Ormeau Road in Belfast.
The article here to the right was written by McKenna and published in An Phoblacht/Republican News on July 7th 1985. The article addresses issues of human rights abuses and the hypocrisy of the hierarchy of the Catholic Church on the issue.
The article titled 'Election Posters', is an article written by McKenna and published in the Northern Standard in Monaghan when McKenna was Sinn Fein Director of Posters during an election campaign.
UDA Murders
The RUC were weary of Vincent McKenna’s new anti-terrorist persona, and McKenna was stopped on many occasions by the RUC and questioned as to his interest in certain loyalist areas. RUC suspicions were heightened in 1994 when McKenna was spotted close to the Kimberley Inn near Annadale Flats (loyalist housing off the Ormeau Road). This was a time when the Provisional IRA was targeting senior loyalist terrorists who had been responsible for the murders of dozens of innocent Catholics in the Ormeau Road area.
The RUC questioned McKenna about his interest in loyalist areas; however, McKenna simply told the RUC that he was getting to know Belfast. McKenna was spotted on the Upper Newtownards Road in East Belfast and again the RUC questioned him about his movements to no avail.
When on the 31st of July 1994 two senior loyalist terrorists were shot dead by the Provisional IRA close to Vincent McKenna's home on the Ormeau Road suspicion quickly fell on McKenna as the man who had provided the intelligence that lead to their deaths. Joe Bratty and Raymond Elder were two of the most senior loyalists in Belfast and had been responsible for at least 20 murders of innocent people, mainly Catholics. On at least one occasion the RUC visited McKenna’s home on the Ormeau Road and told him that his life was under threat from loyalist terrorists, McKenna ignored the warnings. McKenna joined a long line of Republicans to be afforded a nick-name by the British security services, McKenna was known as 'The Slayer'.
Bratty and Elder were shot dead with AK47 assault rifles, here McKenna holds an automatic assault rifle at his home on the Ormeau Road in Belfast in 1994.
Bratty and Elder were shot dead with AK47 assault rifles, here McKenna holds an automatic assault rifle at his home on the Ormeau Road in Belfast in 1994.
Vincent McKenna Campaigner
Due to McKenna’s new found persona as an anti-terrorist campaigner, McKenna also found himself the subject of ridicule and attack by ground level republicans, many of whom were simply street criminals and informers. British agents such as Dennis Donaldson began issuing press statements about McKenna being anti-republican, and in McKenna’s native Monaghan, RUC Informer Owen/Eoin Smyth began a smear campaign against McKenna. However, it appears that McKenna was oblivious to all that going on around him and he had a single focused objective known only to an elite team of PIRA operatives in Belfast. Such was the secrecy of McKenna's intelligence work, that on the 18th July 1998 McKenna was assaulted by six low grade members of the Provisional movement close to the spot where Joe Bratty and Raymond Elder had been executed, McKenna being a trained boxer quickly dispatched the 6 would be assailants and they ran back down the Ormeau Road.
Vincent McKenna explains that those who carryout mutilation attacks such as that demonstrated above are the lowest form of criminal scum and also the easiest for the Police to recruit over the years. These guys don't have the metal to take on the Brits and are happiest when they are abusing children up back lanes or going home to batter their wives or abuse their children, scum.
This interview is about trying to unravel the true identity of Vincent McKenna, McKenna’s cousin Kevin McKenna (IRA Chief of Staff 1984-1997) accepts that Vincent McKenna was an IRA Intelligence Officer closely associated with Jim Lynagh, and Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD accepts that Vincent McKenna was an active member of Sinn Fein from the age of 16 years.
1. Firstly, can I ask where you were reared and how you ended up living in Monaghan Town?
2. My family have lived in Monaghan for centuries, we are mainly based in Clara in north Monaghan, however, we have a very large extended family that now stretches the length and breadth of Ireland. I was reared in County Tyrone a few miles from my ancestral family home in Clara in north Monaghan. While I was in prison I had to request the Governor to reduce the number of visits I was receiving as I was studying for a Masters, writing a book (www.theirishobserver.com) and so forth. At one point The Censor came to me exasperated about the volume of correspondence I was receiving. I was grateful to the thousands of people who supported me through difficult times, but I also wanted to make use of the time that I had at my disposal.
Vincent McKenna explains that those who carryout mutilation attacks such as that demonstrated above are the lowest form of criminal scum and also the easiest for the Police to recruit over the years. These guys don't have the metal to take on the Brits and are happiest when they are abusing children up back lanes or going home to batter their wives or abuse their children, scum.
Letter to Vincent McKenna from Gerry Adams TD
3. At what point did you return to Monaghan from Tyrone?
4. I left school when I was 16 years old and immediately moved back to Monaghan. I worked in Monaghan Poultry Products, which is now sadly closed, and I lived in a bedsit.
5. So you were living on your own and working in a factory when you were 16 years old?
6. That is correct, I was earning 38 pounds (punts) per week initially as I was only a child and not entitled to ‘mans’ wages, my bedsit was costing me 7 pounds (punts) per week. However, I was getting a good dinner in the factory every day and that kept me going. Eventually, Jack O’Connor (SIPTU President), who was my ITGWU Branch Secretary at the time secured what were called man’s wages for me. At the time I was the youngest Union rep in Ireland.
7. At what point did you get involved with the republican movement?
8. In Monaghan Poultry Products a number of the older lads were already members of Na Fianna Eireann, which is the junior IRA and I joined immediately.
9. What did you do in the Fianna?
10. To be honest the Fianna was really like the boy scouts, we simply marched on Easter Sunday and went to march at Bodenstown every June. We would meet in Rossmore Park to practice marching and sometimes we would meet in a prefab where the new county council offices now stand in Monaghan Town.
11. So you had no weapons training or anything of that nature while in the Fianna?
12. No, most of the lads that were in the Fianna were harmless; it was just like a boys club.
13. Did you join Sinn Fein?
14. Yes, I was in Mc Cague’s pub in Park Street one Saturday night and I was talking to Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, he asked me to join Sinn Fein, I told him that I was only interested in fighting the Brits and not simply sitting at meetings. However, Caoimhghin said that I could do both and he invited me to a Cummann meeting. I went to the O’Hanlon Sinn Fein Cummann meeting the following week, the meeting was held up stairs in St Maccartans Hall in Park Street. Those present on the night I joined Sinn Fein were Caoimhghin, JB O Hagan, PO’M, and Kieran Starrs. It would have been 1980 as Caoimhghin was still working in the Bank of Ireland.
15. Were you sworn in?
16. Yes, Caoimhghin read out a statement and I had to swear to that statement.
17. Were you joining Sinn Fein or the IRA or both?
18. I was joining Sinn Fein.
19. At what point if any did you join the IRA?
20. As far as I am concerned I joined the IRA when I joined Na Fianna Eireann, however, I did not have a significant role in the IRA until Jim Lynagh engaged me as an Intelligence Officer.
21. I am sure you are aware that there are some people who contradict the fact that you were a member of the IRA?
22. If you are talking about people like Owen/Eoin Smyth and Dennis Donaldson then I am sure you will understand if I treat their previously publicly stated comments about me with contempt, as both provided information to the RUC about Irish Republicans. Smyth made dozens of statements when he was arrested by The RUC in 1981 in relation to the killing of Norman Strong and his son James, and only fell short of turning State's Evidence against myself and other republicans, he only served 2 years. In 1990 Smyth was arrested by Gardai in relation to a Human Bomb attack, however, I always believed that this was a publicity stunt so that Smyth could ingratiate himself further with The PIRA,
Equally, I almost fell out of my chair when I read that Owen Smyth had told a public meeting in New York that he had been the subject of four assassination attempts, if he was, he was the only one that ever knew. Smyth would do anything to garner publicity for his Walter Mitty existence especially after he turned tout in 1981. What is actually bizarre about Smyth is that when he was working with certain people to do me down, they were the very people who were bringing UDR men into Monaghan Town, and there are independent witnesses to prove this. One should not underestimate the personal jealousies that exists within Sinn Fein/PIRA, Owen Smyth was always stabbing Caoimhghin O'Caolain in the back, yet it was Caoimhgin and I that organised a party for Smyth on the night of his release from prison in 1983 at a time when certain PIRA Volunteers wanted to execute Smyth for touting and bury him in a hole in the bog in Scotstown.
“It was against this rising tide of dissension that Owen Smyth, a burly Sinn Féin councillor from Monaghan…” By Eamon Lynch, (http://observer.com/1998/05/citys-irish-exiles-arent-thrilled/)
23. So what role had you in the IRA?
24. My job was to gather information about British targets that information was typed up on an old IBM type writer that I had, it was coded and passed to Jim Lynagh. Jim compared my coded reports with reports that he had seen from a female republican in Tyrone.
25. What type of information are we talking about?
26. I will have to leave that to your imagination.
27. When did you first meet Jim Lynagh and when Lynagh was killed in 1987 how did you feel?
28. I meet Jim Lynagh in 1980 he had just served a sentence in Long Kesh, I was devastated when Jim was killed, Jim had been so excited about the fact that new weapons and explosive supplies were at hand, he really wanted to take the war to the Brits, but he was betrayed.
29. Do you honestly believe that Loughgall was the work of British agents within the republican movement?
30. I know for a fact that RUC touts within the republican movement were responsible for the Loughgall executions.
31. How do you know?
32. I have dedicated the past 31 years establishing the truth about those responsible for Loughgall.
33. But surely you can’t say you have spent the last 31 years establishing the truth about Loughgall when you were a public campaigner against the IRA?
34. You say I was a public campaigner against the IRA, I say I was a public campaigner against criminals; it just so happened that those criminals were within the IRA. The British had given their agents within Sinn Fein/IRA a free hand to do as they liked, they were able to murder and rape Catholics without sanction, Mo Mowlam, then British Secretary of state described the torture, murder and rape of Catholics by Sinn Fein/IRA members as “Internal-House-Keeping”, Sinn Fein/IRA had taken on the role of the Black and Tans to suppress Catholics in the north. The leadership were focused on the 'peace process' and tried to be all things to all people, they took their eye of the ball, the British were using their agents within Sinn Fein/PIRA to keep the violence going and the British were doing exactly the same thing on the loyalist side, and in the middle of this Catholics were being murdered. I refused to tolerate this and I done what I had to do to stop the violence against the Catholic community.
35. Are you then saying that your public persona was different from your personal position?
36. I am saying that I was and remain opposed to those people who use the republican movement for criminal activity; my position has been vindicated with all that is now known publicly about people such as Slab Murphy, Liam Adams, Dennis Donaldson and so forth.
37. When Jim Lynagh was killed did you severe your connection with the IRA?
38. No, I was approached by another member of the East Tyrone IRA and I continued to work as an Intelligence Officer for the IRA.
39. Is that IRA member still alive?
40. Yes, he is alive and well.
41. Can you name him?
42. I can, but I won’t.
43. It has been suggested that while you were in FAIT you were still working for an IRA intelligence unit, is that the case?
44. I have already made my position clear, my interest has always been to establish the truth about Loughgall, I would have went to bed with the Queen of England if that would have brought me any closer to the truth about those who betrayed Jim Lynagh.
45. It has been stated that you had meetings with IRA Leader Joe Cathal when you were in FAIT, is that true?
46. I had known Joe for many years, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin had introduced us in the early 1980s at 44 Parnell Square, and it is fair to say that I remained in contact with Joe while I was in Belfast.
47. How does that fit with your public campaign against the IRA?
48. I have already answered that question. My campaign was against criminals and British agents within the republican movement, not against true republicans.
49. If that was and is your position, why did the republican movement use their paper An Phoblacht and their press facilities at Stormont to run a campaign against you?
50. The people who ran the campaign against me were RUC informers such as Owen Smyth in Monaghan and Dennis Donaldson in Belfast, I do not believe that the Republican movement ran a campaign against me, simply criminals and agents within that organisation, some of those criminals have since been exposed and some are dead.
Vincent McKenna set up the Northern Ireland Human Rights Bureau which he operated out of a small room in his house, McKenna had no funding from any source and funded his work from part-time work.
51. Do you take any pleasure from the fact that Liam Adams, Gerry Adams Snr, Thomas Slab Murphy and others within the republican movement have been exposed as criminals?
52. No, I am now and always have been an Irish Republican and for that reason I take no pleasure from these latest exposures. However, it must be said that it is beyond my understanding that Gerry Adams can be exposed as someone who concealed the rape of several children and still top the poll in Louth, I think that says a great deal about corruption in this country.
53. When you were involved in FAIT did you pass information to the IRA?
54. Firstly, when I was asked to go into the FAIT office and sort it out, I was absolutely amazed. A short time before I was asked to go into FAIT, FAIT had threatened me with legal action as I said in The Irish News that FAIT were a front for drugs dealers.
55. So who asked you to go into FAIT?
56. Liam Clarke from the Sunday Times, he and his wife Cathy Johnston had been involved with FAIT and Liam told me that FAIT was going to close unless they got someone in there quick, I could not believe that I had been asked to go into FAIT.
57. Who was involved in FAIT and who was funding FAIT?
58. When I went into the FAIT office on High Street there was nobody left in the group, they had all abandoned ship and a vast amount of money was gone missing.
59. What do you mean money gone missing?
60. Firstly, from 1996 I had been lecturing in Start Your Own Business at Queens University, so I had a very good understanding of accounts and business. FAIT had been funded to the tune of almost one-million pounds sterling, the majority of this money had come from the Central Community Relations Office at Stormont. The core funding was for rent, rates, phone, petty cash and wages for two members of staff. However, when I went into FAIT I quickly discovered that tens of thousands of pounds were missing and basics like rent, rates, electricity had not been paid for a very long time. It is also worth mentioning that Sinn Fein groups such as those opposing loyalist parades are all funded out of the same fund at Stormont.
61. What had happened to the money?
62. From my investigation, it was clear that certain people involved with FAIT had been using the petty cash account to fill their pockets, large amounts of money had been transferred through the petty cash account to facilitate this embezzlement.
63. Did FAIT have any assets?
64. No, even basic things such as a video camera that had been purchased to interview victims of violence had been taken from the office and never returned.
65. Was Sam Cushnahan not the Director of FAIT?
66. Sam was a man in serious financial difficulty when I meet him; he had just asked his brother John Cushnahan MEP to co-sign a bank loan of £20,000 to save him from bankruptcy. Sam’s wife had not spoken to him for years; Sam was having a relationship with a woman from east Belfast. Sam’s unhealthy life style lead to him having a heart attack and he often borrowed money from me to buy wine and cigarettes to take up to his mistress in east Belfast. This mistress had lost a 12 year old child to suicide.
67. Was Martin McGartland involved in FAIT?
68. Yes, he was living in hiding in England as he had been exposed as an RUC tout, McGartland was in regular contact with Sam Cushnahan.
69. What was Liam Clarke’s role in FAIT?
70. Liam was simply feed ‘exclusive’ stories by Sam Cushnahan, if someone came to FAIT seeking help Sam would usually phone Liam to see if he wanted the story.
71. FAIT had several public fall-outs among its members, why was that?
72. It was really about egos and money; they all had their hand in the cookie jar.
73. Did you receive any wages or expenses when you were in FAIT?
74. Absolutely not, there was no money in FAIT and it owed tens of thousands including rent and other basics that had been directly funded by the NIO.
75. Is it true that Martin Mc Gartland made a donation of two-thousand pounds to FAIT while you were working there?
76. I was only aware of that money being paid to Sam Cushnahan after I left FAIT.
77. How did you become aware of that payment?
78. When I left FAIT I received a tax rebate for a few pounds and I made inquires about that tax rebate, Revenue told me that two salary payments had been made in my name. When I challenged Sam Cushnahan about these payments, he told me that Martin Mc Gartland had paid two-thousand to FAIT and that the only way he (Sam) could get the money out of the FAIT bank account was to say it was for wages.
79. Did FAIT actually help any victims?
80. I can only speak for the time that I was in FAIT and what I seen there, FAIT was very poorly organised and was not subjected to the public scrutiny that it should have been. Vast amounts of tax payers’ money was pumped into FAIT simply because it was an anti-Sinn Fein platform. People in FAIT got free trips to America and certainly misused their position. Victims were a secondary consideration to people such as Sam Cushnahan.
81. Vincent, let me ask you again, were you working for the PIRA when you were in FAIT?
82. I have already answered that question.
83. Were you questioned about the shooting of RUC informer Martin Mc Gartland?
84. Yes, I was questioned for several hours in Castlereagh Holding Centre about the shooting of Mc Gartland.
85. It has been suggested that you passed McGartland’s details to the PIRA in west Belfast, and in particular to an IRA member who had been on Hunger Strike with your cousin Sean Mc Kenna in 1980, is that the case?
86. I would say that Mc Gartland was the only person who compromised his own security, he was in regular contact with journalists in the north and on occasion he invited a teenage girl over to his hideout in England where he showed off his legally held handgun.
87. This interview would not be complete if I did not ask you about the allegations that eventually seen you fall from grace, are you guilty of those allegations or do you maintain your innocence?
88. My position is today as it was in April 1998 when those allegations were first muted. I have consistently and persistently made my case before the courts and that will continue. As for those who ran a malicious and vexatious campaign against me, I can assure you that they are guilty of much greater crimes than any crime alleged against me.
89. Are you angry about the campaign that was run against you?
90. Not really, when you know that those shouting loudest are doing so to drown out the screams of their victims, you take some consolation in that, when you watch certain people campaign against you in the media when you know that those people have disposed of their unborn children and grandchildren like dogs in the waste bins of London hospitals, or that they participated in, facilitated and concealed the rape of children you know that they are simply in pain.
91. Are you talking about anyone in particular? And is it true that Dr Marian Smyth has admitted feeding unlicensed-mind-altering drugs to the person at the centre of the case against you?
92. Does it matter, they know who they are, I know who they are and some day they will stand before God. As for Marian Smyth, she was having a sexual relationship with Pete Ryan and had a child to him. Marian Smyth assumed some sort of blinkered allegiance to Pete, however, Pete was having a number of sexual relationships at the same time, and while he had Smyth pregnant he also had another woman from Ballybay pregnant, Pete thought more of his motor-bike than he did of any woman. We now know that Dr Marian Smyth feed unlicensed-mind-altering drugs (Seroxat) to the alleged victim, we know that Marian Smyth meet on several occasions with her brother-in-law Owen Smyth (RUC Tout) to see how they could advance the claims against me. We know that Owen Smyth used Patrick ‘the dwarf’ Tierney to feed information to the British tabloids.
93. Why do you think Owen Smyth went to such lengths to do you harm?
94. I meet Owen Smyth in the republican ‘A’ Wing of Crumlin Road Jail in 1981 when I was 17 years old, Smyth had just told the RUC everything he knew about republicans in Monaghan. Smyth attached himself to me for the short time I was in Crumlin Road Jail, Smyth told me that he and Jim Lynagh had planned the killings of Norman Strong and his son James at Tynan Abbey, Smyth also told me that he had told the RUC everything he knew about the IRA in Monaghan as he did not want to go to jail for the murders of Norman Strong and his son James. I think Smyth always had a chip on his shoulder about the fact that I knew he was an informer, however, my view on that was, if people were stupid enough to tell Owen Smyth anything then they must take responsibility for the consequences. Seamus McElwaine from Scotstown was also in Crumlin Road jail in 1981 and he told me to stay clear of Smyth, however, I made my own decisions about who I associated with.
95. What about Dr Marian Smyth’s role, why would she want to do you down?
96. As I have said, Marian had a blind loyalty to Pete, particularly as she had given birth to one of his children; this coupled with encouragement from Owen Smyth created the ingredients for a good old fashioned conspiracy. Fiona had told me on several occasions that Marian Smyth was angry with me for publicly campaigning against the ‘IRA’.
Equally, I almost fell out of my chair when I read that Owen Smyth had told a public meeting in New York that he had been the subject of four assassination attempts, if he was, he was the only one that ever knew. Smyth would do anything to garner publicity for his Walter Mitty existence especially after he turned tout in 1981. What is actually bizarre about Smyth is that when he was working with certain people to do me down, they were the very people who were bringing UDR men into Monaghan Town, and there are independent witnesses to prove this. One should not underestimate the personal jealousies that exists within Sinn Fein/PIRA, Owen Smyth was always stabbing Caoimhghin O'Caolain in the back, yet it was Caoimhgin and I that organised a party for Smyth on the night of his release from prison in 1983 at a time when certain PIRA Volunteers wanted to execute Smyth for touting and bury him in a hole in the bog in Scotstown.
“It was against this rising tide of dissension that Owen Smyth, a burly Sinn Féin councillor from Monaghan…” By Eamon Lynch, (http://observer.com/1998/05/citys-irish-exiles-arent-thrilled/)
Vincent McKenna set up the Northern Ireland Human Rights Bureau which he operated out of a small room in his house, McKenna had no funding from any source and funded his work from part-time work.
Fiona McCleary, Monaghan Town, County Monaghan
97. And where was your ex-wife Fiona McCleary during this?
(Fiona McCleary dressed as a school child after her daughter has accused her of concealing her sexual abuse - Fiona McCleary, under cross-examination, admitted that she had been bringing illegal pornography into Ireland from as far back as the 1980s).
98. Dr Marian Smyth operated her surgery out of her house on the Glen Road in Monaghan; Fiona worked as a cleaner and part-time secretary for Dr Smyth in her house (Smyth paid Fiona 80 punts per week, but put it through the books as 40 so that Fiona could continue to collect Social Welfare). The allegations against me surfaced a few days before I divorced Fiona in the High Court in Belfast. I had given Fiona every opportunity to sober up, but she refused and so I divorced her (Fiona would later perjure herself by saying that she had divorced me, however I had been granted the divorce in Belfast and Fiona was not present). Fiona had been putting pressure on me to sign over my house in Monaghan as she was having an affair with a married man and wanted to set up home with the said married man. I remember that following my trial one of the Brit tabloids carried a story saying Fiona had collapsed outside the court, they failed to mention she was carry the illegitimate child of a married man. Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan would have been better establishing the facts about who it was that was bringing UDR members into Monaghan.
The alleged victim smiling for the cameras outside the Court while Fiona McCleary tries to conceal her illegitimate child
Below, Fiona McCleary drunk, this a few weeks after her daughter has accused her of concealing her sexual abuse.
99. So 18 years after these allegations first surfaced against you, how are you dealing with the consequences of those allegations?
100. The search for the truth is a relentless one, it is made more difficult because there are many vested interests who must do all in their power to stop this conviction from being overturned, however, some people have finally come forward and offered what thy know, this we believe is enough to go to the Court of Criminal Appeal, so that the un-corrupted truth might finally be told.
101. Thanks again for taking this time to talk with us, and we wish you well for the future.
(Fiona McCleary dressed as a school child after her daughter has accused her of concealing her sexual abuse - Fiona McCleary, under cross-examination, admitted that she had been bringing illegal pornography into Ireland from as far back as the 1980s).
The alleged victim smiling for the cameras outside the Court while Fiona McCleary tries to conceal her illegitimate child
Below, Fiona McCleary drunk, this a few weeks after her daughter has accused her of concealing her sexual abuse.
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